Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić told a rally in Belgrade on June 27 that he would resign within weeks and help his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) win early parliamentary and presidential elections [1][5]. "I will be president for only a couple of weeks, and then I will resign," Vučić stated, adding, "We will win more convincingly than ever before" [1]. He announced that the party would campaign under a new banner, "United Serbia," and that he intended to stand as a candidate for prime minister [2][6].
The resignation announcement came after more than eighteen months of sustained student-led protests that began in November 2024, when a recently renovated canopy at the Novi Sad railway station collapsed, killing fifteen people [4][10]. The student movement's formal demands have centered on the release of all renovation documents, prosecution of those responsible for the collapse, and an end to corruption — rather than an explicit call for Vučić's resignation [9][19]. The largest single rally drew an estimated 325,000 people, described by the BBC as Serbia's largest-ever protest [10]. Le Monde framed the movement as a broad anti-corruption social revolt with implications for regional stability [12], and RFI questioned whether it could bring down Vučić's government [13].
Vučić used the Belgrade rally to dismiss the protest movement's legitimacy. "Vor anderthalb Jahren haben sie versucht, unser Land zu zerstören und Serbien zu vernichten" (A year and a half ago they tried to destroy our country and annihilate Serbia), he said, accusing students of being naive pawns of domestic and foreign politicians [6]. Al Jazeera reported that he characterized protesters as foreign agents [1], while El País noted he accused the opposition of trying to destroy the country [2].
Opposition figures and analysts described the resignation as a tactical maneuver rather than a democratic concession. Savo Manojlović, head of the Move-Change Movement, stated: "By resigning and with early presidential and parliamentary elections Vucic is trying to preempt his inevitable fall, because of protests and because of the student movement which has more support than he does" [3]. Germany's Tagesschau reported that this would be Vučić's fourth early election under what it described as tactic-driven conditions, and drew a parallel between the "United Serbia" list name and Vladimir Putin's United Russia party [6]. The Centre for Eastern Studies in Warsaw assessed that the earlier resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević in January 2025 was itself a failed attempt to quell protests while power remained concentrated with Vučić [21]. Deutsche Welle reported that the government had claimed to be meeting protester demands, but demonstrations continued [9].
The constitutional mechanics of the transition allow for what Serbian domestic legal analysis describes as a seamless transfer of power. Under Serbia's constitution, the Speaker of the National Assembly — currently Ana Brnabić — temporarily assumes presidential duties upon a resignation, and elections must be called within 90 days [8]. Reuters reported that after Vučević's formal resignation, Brnabić cited a 30-day deadline for forming a new government or triggering snap elections [7]. Serbian outlet Blic reported that Vučić could legally serve as prime minister until presidential election results are officially proclaimed [18].
El País reported that the Belgrade rally drew around 200,000 attendees and that pro-Russian leaders Milorad Dodik and Milan Knežević were present as special guests [2]. Tagesschau described the crowd as consisting partly of supporters bused in from across Serbia [6]. Vučić pledged to raise wages and pensions, improve healthcare and education, and accelerate EU membership while maintaining relations with what he called "amigos tradicionales" (traditional friends) — a reference to Russia and China [2].
Russian and Chinese media framed the transition as unlikely to alter Serbia's geopolitical orientation. Moskovsky Komsomolets reported Vučić's resignation announcement with minimal reference to protest demands [14]. Gazeta.ru described his friendship with Russia as an obstacle to EU accession [15]. Xinhua emphasized Vučić's role in promoting Belt and Road cooperation and framed the transition as unlikely to affect bilateral ties with Beijing [16]. Sina Finance argued that the resignation was a political move to retain core power and that China-Serbia relations would remain "very stable" [17].
The EU dimension of the story carried a different set of concerns. European Western Balkans reported that European Commissioner for Enlargement Marta Kos warned that the Commission was assessing whether Serbia still met conditions for funds under the EU Growth Plan, citing rule-of-law backsliding linked to judicial legislation [11]. The Kyiv Independent noted Serbia's delicate diplomacy between Moscow and the West since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and reported that Vučić's government had facilitated indirect arms sales to Kyiv [4].
Regional neighbors also weighed in. Denis Bećirović, Chairman of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, addressed Vučić directly: "Vrijeme je da Bosnu i Hercegovinu ostaviš na miru, regija treba mir, razvoj i ravnopravnu saradnju" (It is time to leave Bosnia and Herzegovina alone; the region needs peace, development, and equal cooperation) [20].
Vučić has not specified a date for his resignation or for the dissolution of parliament [3][4]. Student groups have announced counter-rallies [1]. The constitutional timeline requires presidential elections within 90 days of a formal resignation [8], and a new government must be formed or snap parliamentary elections called within 30 days of the prime minister's departure [7].