An unofficial deadline set by anti-migrant groups for foreign nationals to leave South Africa expired on June 30 without reports of large-scale organized violence, but only after tens of thousands of migrants had already fled, at least four people had died in xenophobic attacks, and the government had mobilized police and private security [6][7] at a cost of 600 million rand [4]. The deadline, promoted by the March and March movement and amplified through social media leaflets and fake official-looking notices, had generated what French-language and English-language outlets described as a climate of generalized fear across Johannesburg, Durban, and other cities [6][22].
President Cyril Ramaphosa stated in his weekly newsletter that lawful foreign nationals "work, study, raise families, invest in our economy and contribute positively to our society" and are "entitled to the protection of our laws and our Constitution" [3]. He added: "We will not tolerate any attempts to destabilize the country by anyone, whether marching or otherwise" [4]. In German-language coverage, Ramaphosa was quoted saying: "Wir werden und dürfen nicht zulassen, dass Gruppen die berechtigten Anliegen der Südafrikaner ausnutzen, um unser Land durch das Schüren von Gesetzlosigkeit und Gewalt zu destabilisieren" (We will not and must not allow groups to exploit the legitimate concerns of South Africans to destabilize our country by inciting lawlessness and violence) [7]. Police Minister Firoz Cachalia said he hoped June 30 would be "ein normaler Tag" (a normal day) where people could open their businesses and go to work without hindrance [7], while acknowledging that authorities had "hesitated too long to speak out clearly on this issue" [4]. Justice Minister Mmamoloko Kubayi warned that no unauthorized person may demand documents or deny access to clinics, schools, or other public services [7][8].
March and March founder Jacinta Ngobese-Zuma rejected accusations of xenophobia. "Erzählt uns nichts von Fremdenfeindlichkeit oder Afrophobie oder wie immer ihr es nennen wollt. Erzählt uns von der Krise der illegalen Einwanderung" (Don't tell us about xenophobia or Afrophobia or whatever you want to call it. Tell us about the crisis of illegal immigration), she said [7]. In English-language coverage, she stated: "You can't label us as xenophobic for standing up for what's right" [8]. She framed the movement as a demand that the government solve the crisis of illegal immigration rather than an attack on foreign nationals as people [12].
Migrants across South Africa described a different reality. James Macki, a Malawian barber in Johannesburg's Tembelihle informal settlement, told Al Jazeera: "They said the blood will flow if we don't go by June 30. If we don't get out, they are not going to stop until we all die" [8]. Nelson Mbewe, an undocumented Malawian migrant at a Durban transit camp, told the BBC that he was returning home because he lacked the right documents and faced the xenophobic slur "Makwerekwere" [3]. In Durban, Pastor Raphael Bahebwa, overseeing a refugee camp, told RFI: "On n'a plus peur de la mort. Si on meurt, au moins le monde saura ce qu'il se passe, que nous étions ici légalement mais que nous avons été tués" (We are no longer afraid of death. If we die, at least the world will know what is happening, that we were here legally but were killed) [6]. Talla Niang, a Senegalese immigrant who has lived in South Africa for over 30 years, said: "La majorité des gens veulent rester car ils ont leur business et leur vie ici" (The majority of people want to stay because they have their businesses and their lives here) [6]. Roland, a Congolese taxi driver, described constant unease: "Il faut tout le temps que je calcule mes mots" (I have to watch my words all the time) [6].
The Mozambican government reported nine deaths and at least 874 citizens affected by xenophobic attacks, and organized repatriation operations for about 1,000 nationals [16]. Deutsche Welle's Portuguese-language service reported that 714 Mozambicans had been repatriated [15]. A separate report documented the arrival of the first group of 150 Malawian citizens who returned from the Western Cape, framing the operation as a humanitarian response to violence and insecurity [17]. Over 12,000 immigrants had been deported or repatriated since the protests began, according to the BBC [3]. An editorial on AllAfrica stated that the March and March campaign had produced documented killings — including the fatal assault of a Malawian man in Pietermaritzburg and mob killings of two men in Mossel Bay — mass displacement, and economic losses for both immigrants and South African landlords [2].
Analysts traced the crisis to structural conditions. Political commentator Tessa Dooms told DW: "The South African government has largely created this dilemma for itself. It ignores problems, tolerates corruption, allows decay to worsen and only reacts once the situation has reached its peak" [4]. She added that people "see this particular movement as a place where they can be heard and where they can find a simple solution to complex problems" [4]. Professor Luke Sinwell of the University of Johannesburg observed that residents at a community meeting in Tembelihle described a stabbing of a Malawian resident as "opportunistic criminality rather than a direct act of organised xenophobic violence," though he noted "these things are interconnected" [8]. Fredson Guilengue of the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation told DW that migrants view the South African police as "a xenophobic institution" and warned: "As long as the leaders of these movements don't feel the full force of the law, they won't stop intimidating immigrants" [4].
A separate analysis drew parallels to historical precedents. ISS researcher Vanya Gastrow warned that South Africa's proposed restrictions on foreign workers — including maximum employment quotas and reserving certain business sectors for citizens — risk outcomes similar to Ghana's 1969 expulsion order and Uganda's 1972 Asian expulsion, both of which produced capital flight, supply-chain disruption, and lasting diplomatic damage [9]. Ghana has formally requested the African Union to place xenophobic attacks in South Africa on the agenda of an AU summit; South Africa's then-Justice Minister Ronald Lamola stated that Pretoria is prepared to defend itself at the AU [23].
French-language analysis highlighted a disinformation dimension: fake official-looking notices, threatening pamphlets, and coordinated social media campaigns were used to spread the June 30 deadline and manufacture panic [19][22]. Justice Minister Kubayi noted that threatening pamphlets had been circulated without organizers' knowledge, and that "there is no single structure" coordinating the movement's actions [8].
As of June 30, South African authorities maintained a heavy security presence across major cities, with police leave cancelled and additional resources deployed [8][14]. Hassan Phiri, a Malawian migrant awaiting processing in Durban, told the BBC: "All I want to say to South Africans is that we are all one. Africa can't be Africa without South Africa... without Malawi, without anywhere" [3]. The Daily Maverick reported that civil society groups issued an urgent appeal to health workers to reject the deadline and assist victims of xenophobic attacks [10]. Whether the relative calm on the deadline day holds in the days ahead remained an open question, with over 20 anti-migrant groups having announced plans for further nationwide protests [13].