Former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was buried at the Imam Reza shrine in Mashhad on July 9, concluding a six-day funeral procession that Iranian state media called the largest in world history [1][7][12]. A shooting on Sarafrazan Street in Mashhad during the burial ceremony killed two Basij forces, according to Amir Shamqadari, security deputy of Khorasan Razavi province, who stated the cause and identities of the perpetrators remain under investigation [2]. The burial followed Khamenei's killing in a US strike on February 28 that also killed members of his family, including the wife of current leader Mojtaba Khamenei [4][6].
Iranian state-affiliated media and sympathetic analysts framed the funeral turnout as proof of genuine popular support. Political analyst Shabbir Razvi said the unprecedented attendance reflects widespread backing for Iran's leadership and the enduring legacy of the Islamic Revolution, rooted in principles of justice and resistance inspired by Imam Hussein [8]. Palestinian political scientist Mazin Qumsiyeh described the processions as a defining political moment for the region [14]. Iranian officials stated that more than 15 million people had participated by the third day, and Iraqi officials confirmed about 10 million gathered in Najaf and Karbala [10][12].
Opposition figures and analysts contested that reading. Exiled Iranian prince Reza Pahlavi accused the Islamic Republic of using the funeral to project a false image of legitimacy [21]. Professor Ali Ansari of the University of St. Andrews cautioned that the large crowd should not be mistaken for a measure of the Islamic Republic's popularity, noting Iranians' skill in organizing funerals [24]. The Conversation reported that the funeral departed from Islamic burial customs and involved a massive logistical effort to mobilize crowds, and that the abrupt departure of Hassan Khomeini — apparently offended by a verse recitation — and the absence of former presidents Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami from the private procession marred the image of national unity [10]. A diaspora journalist writing in The Free Press relayed messages from Iranians describing joy and fear rather than mourning [22]. Former reformist official Mohammad-Ali Abtahi criticized organizers for not inviting former presidents [23]. President Masoud Pezeshkian and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi faced verbal attacks from mourners and hardline figures because negotiations with the US are advancing despite the new supreme leader's declared "principled opposition" [10].
The new Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei did not appear publicly at his father's funeral [3][5][6][13][23][28]. Iranian officials affirmed the absence was a security precaution [13]. Former CIA official Norman Roule stated that if the new Supreme Leader does not appear at his father's funeral, it will fuel suspicions about his health or weakened power [28]. The funeral prayer was led by Khamenei's eldest son, Seyyed Mostafa Khamenei, with Mojtaba's three brothers present [6][12][23].
Multiple analyses converge on the assessment that the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps engineered Mojtaba Khamenei's elevation. Reuters reported that senior Iranian sources claimed the Revolutionary Guards forced through Mojtaba's selection, overcoming opposition from pragmatists by threatening critics [17]. Alex Vatanka of the Middle East Institute stated Mojtaba owes his position to the Revolutionary Guards and will not be as supreme as his father [17]. Deutsche Welle reported that Ali Khamenei systematically restructured the Islamic Republic, diminishing senior clerics' influence and empowering security institutions, with researcher Mojtaba Najafi arguing the war strengthened the IRGC's confidence [16]. Raz Zimmt of the Institute for National Security Studies analyzed that the new Iran is more daring and self-confident, with a power elite from the IRGC and intelligence services taking control [28]. Yonhap News Agency, citing a Washington Post analysis, framed the funeral as the launch of a more hardline regime [28].
Iran International reported that competing elite networks are still contesting the regime's direction, with analyst Behnam Ben Taleblu warning against confusing adaptation with transformation and historian Shahram Kholdi arguing elite differences are tactical, not strategic [15]. Vatanka, in the same analysis, argued the regime knows the old model failed and is driven by survival, not reform [15].
The funeral occurred amid renewed military escalation between Iran and the United States. The US claimed strikes on military installations in southern Iran, which Iranian media countered as hitting civilian facilities and fishing ports [9]. Tehran announced retaliatory strikes on US bases in Bahrain and Kuwait [9][18]. Historian Jonathan Piron stated the US strikes are unprecedented since the ceasefire in scale and nature and that both capitals have no interest in a return to conflict but lack trust [13]. Mourners in Mashhad chanted "I swear by the blood of the supreme leader, Trump, we will kill you!" with placards reading "Kill Trump" [3]. Trump stated Iran wants to take out the US leader and that he is on every one of their lists [5]. France 24 reported Israel shared intelligence with the US about a new Iranian plot to assassinate Trump [5].
Hezbollah Secretary-General Naim Qassem addressed a memorial in Beirut via video, reiterating the movement's unbreakable alliance with Iran [4]. Hezbollah supporters stated they came to "congratulate and bless, and at the same time to mourn the supreme leader, and to congratulate him on his martyrdom" [11]. In Syria, Fahd Shurwa of the Resistance Foundation described attendance as a moral duty, stating "Es nuestro deber, es lo mínimo que podemos hacer" (It is our duty, it is the least we can do) [4]. Turkish mourners chanted "Labbaik Ya Seyyed Mojtaba" (Here I am, O Seyyed Mojtaba), and Sheikh Ibrahim Zakzaky, leader of the Nigerian Islamic Movement, was present [12].
Analysts argued Iran is leveraging the Strait of Hormuz to lock in strategic advantages. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf stated the Strait will be reopened only under Iranian arrangements [18]. Vatanka argued Iran sees symbolic acceptance of its sovereignty over the Strait as more important than transit fee revenues [20]. Former US diplomat Alan Eyre stated Iran is playing for time to institutionalize control, and former negotiator Aaron David Miller argued Iran will not move to the nuclear file until it secures its new status quo on Hormuz [20]. Ebtesam Al-Ketbi of the Emirates Policy Center warned Washington may have elevated Hormuz from a pressure point into a lasting source of leverage for Tehran [20].
Israeli Defence Minister Israel Katz warned Israel is prepared to resume its military campaign with greater force if needed [18], while a senior Israeli official stated economic pressure, not military action, is the key lever and assessed the US-Iran clash as unlikely to escalate into full-scale war before the midterms [19].
Gulf states' varying representation at the funeral reflected independent foreign policy choices, not a GCC split, according to analysts quoted by Alhurra. Former Kuwaiti diplomat Khalid Al-Tarrah said the varying levels reflect each state's independent foreign policy [25]. Saudi analyst Mubarak Al-Aati stated Gulf states remain united in viewing Iran as a threat but differ on mechanisms [25].
Russia sent Dmitry Medvedev, Deputy Chairman of the Security Council, who discussed bilateral cooperation and a forum for sanctioned countries with the Iranian president [26]. China downgraded its representation, sending He Wei, Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, rather than a senior Politburo official [27]. Analyst Eva Seiwert argued China's primary goal is to protect its relationship with Washington, sending a high-level but non-Politburo official to avoid appearing aligned with Iran [27].
The burial at the Imam Reza shrine concluded the funeral process as US-Iran strikes continued near the Strait of Hormuz. Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf conditioned the waterway's reopening on Iranian arrangements [18], and former US negotiator Aaron David Miller assessed that Iran will not move to the nuclear file until it secures its new status quo on Hormuz [20].