On the night of October 30, Constitutional Tribunal judge Anna Korwin-Piotrowska announced the one-month suspension of chief justice Bogdan Święczkowski and deputy Bartłomiej Sochański, citing "«состоянием крайней конституционной необходимости»" (a state of extreme constitutional necessity), and assumed leadership of the court [9][10][11]. Police secured the tribunal grounds at Korwin-Piotrowska's request, protesters gathered outside, and President Karol Nawrocki interrupted a state visit to Senegal to return to Warsaw [1][2][7].
Prime Minister Donald Tusk defended the suspension as a necessary step to restore the rule of law after years of PiS-era court capture. "Restoring the rule of law is our duty. After years of PiS lawlessness, this is a difficult process, sometimes painful, and it requires decisive action. There is no other way," Tusk stated [34][36]. Foreign Minister Radosław Sikorski said the outgoing tribunal leadership had been preventing duly elected judges from working, passing judgments, or adopting the court's budget, and that "action had to be taken to enable the Tribunal to function once again" [36]. Justice Minister Waldemar Żurek submitted motions to lift the immunity of Święczkowski and Sochański, saying the court "has become private property" and must function properly again [28]. The judges' association Iustitia backed the newly elected judges and attributed the crisis to the president and the tribunal president's refusal to recognize lawful appointments [38].
The suspended tribunal leadership and opposition figures described the same events as a coup. Święczkowski rejected the suspension and called it "coup d'état" [11]. The tribunal's official X account posted that its website had been unlawfully taken over, that Święczkowski remained chief justice, that Korwin-Piotrowska was not a judge, and that "all persons participating in these actions are committing the crime of coup d'état" [1][9]. PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński declared that "from today, Poland becomes a police state, and from there there is a direct path to authoritarianism, and then to totalitarianism" [5][36]. Former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki said "«Nem értünk egyet a fehérorosz módszerek alkalmazásával Lengyelországban!»" (We do not agree with the use of Belarusian methods in Poland) [16]. Supreme Court chief justice Zbigniew Kapiński described the events as "undoubtedly a coup d'état" [9].
Nawrocki arrived at the tribunal around 1 a.m. and entered the building, telling the assembled judges "you are not Constitutional Tribunal judges" [15][24][29][42]. The accounts of what happened next diverge. Judge Maciej Berek published video and stated that Nawrocki "barged into judge Korwin-Piotrowska with great force" and physically attacked the judges [24][42]. Presidential spokesperson Rafał Lekiewicz said "a crime was documented when the occupants tried to prevent the president from entering the Constitutional Tribunal and violated his inviolability" [23]. Żurek called Nawrocki's behavior "shameful" and said it was "unacceptable for someone protected by presidential immunity to behave in such a way" [24][21]. Tusk said that "in a state of law, a political leader cannot enter a court to give orders or intimidate judges, even if he is president" [26][31].
Legal scholars who are critics of the PiS-era tribunal argued the suspension mechanism itself had no legal basis. Lawyer Marcin Matczak wrote: "I consider Bogdan Święczkowski to be the worst person to serve as the president of the TK. I never thought I'd end up defending him, but this legal basis [for suspending Święczkowski] is nonexistent for a million reasons" [9]. Matczak warned that "a future government could invoke these events to argue that sending the police into the Constitutional Tribunal is an acceptable way to resolve a legal dispute" [2]. The Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights said the suspension had no legal basis while also urging Nawrocki to swear in the judges and calling for a constitutional "reset" that would end all sitting judges' terms [26][37]. Constitutional law professor Mariusz Bidziński described the conflict as primarily political rather than legal [25].
European institutions backed the government's position on judge appointments. The European Commission spokesperson called on Polish authorities to ensure the tribunal functions under the Polish constitution and EU court case law, and said appointing the eight new members falls within the Sejm's constitutional competence [19][26]. The Venice Commission stated in its October 13 opinion that the president has no right of veto over tribunal judges elected by the Sejm [18][34]. The European Court of Human Rights ruled in 2021 that PiS-era appointment practices violated fundamental procedure [2][5][31], and the Court of Justice of the European Union found the tribunal could not be regarded as independent and impartial due to serious flaws in judge appointments under PiS [15].
Mediating actors declined to arbitrate the legality dispute and called for de-escalation. US Ambassador Tom Rose said "the last thing Poland needs is a confrontation that spirals into something far worse" and called for calm on all sides [20][34]. The Presidium of the Polish Bar Council appealed to the president, parliamentary marshals, the prime minister, and party leaders to open dialogue, warning of threats to citizens' legal security [37]. The Polish Bishops' Conference expressed deep concern and appealed for de-escalation, constructive dialogue, and peaceful resolution, while explicitly declining to act as political arbiter [39]. Political scientist Ewa Marciniak warned that the approaching 2027 election campaign makes confrontation particularly perilous [26].
Financial and regional-security analysts assessed the crisis through its material consequences. XTB analyst Michał Stajniak said the market impact should be limited because foreign investors have long priced the tribunal as an institution of reduced function, but warned that any move against central bank independence would be a "red line" for investors [43]. A Korean outlet assessed that the roughly $44.2 billion K-defense package would likely hold because of Poland's security needs, but warned that follow-on deals could be delayed if political turmoil continues [45]. A Ukrainian outlet warned that dual-authority decisions could slow Polish procedures on aid, sanctions, and EU integration that Kyiv depends on [44].
Nawrocki held consultations with party leaders on October 31, with nationalist, far-right, and some centrist coalition parties attending, while Tusk's Civic Coalition and The Left stayed away [20][24][26]. No breakthrough emerged from the talks [20][26]. Korwin-Piotrowska convened a general assembly of tribunal judges for November 3 [25][28], while Święczkowski declared days off from November 3 to 6 for court staff [32]. Two ambassadors — Paweł Soloch to Romania and Jakub Kumoch to China — resigned over the crisis, with Soloch saying he could no longer serve given "the attempt to take over the Constitutional Tribunal illegally" [21][28][47].